Back in 2007, Proceso in an excerpt from the Jorge Castañeda-Rubén Aguilar book La Diferencia revealed that, according to his former functionaries, "He wanted to fuck him over": Fox wanted to do everything possible to destroy AMLO's presidential ambitions. With the failed desafuro, Fox certainly battered his own democratic credentials.
The battering continues, and yet again it is self inflicted: In an interview with Mario Campos, she asks the former president: "Did you load the dice against AMLO?" And Fox responds:
"Yes certainly, to whatever extent I could, and it is democratic, and for that I say, as I've said before, it was a second win for me."
Call it what you want, but don't call it democratic. It is simply remarkable how Fox himself continues to tear down what remains of his image as the harbinger of democracy in Mexico.
Thursday, December 2, 2010
Finally, the AMLO-Ebrard break: "The mafia" wants Ebrard to win
It will not be easy to pinpoint exactly the "day" or "moment" of the AMLO-Ebrard break - Ebrard's campaigning on behalf of the PRD-PAN alliances in the summer of 2010, AMLO's highly public rejection of an alliance with PAN in Mexico state, or a range of other smaller events that each could be interpreted as the break.
Yet to me, yesterday's event certainly counts as definitive : In Soledad de Graciano Sánchez, in the state of Luis Potosí, ahead of a meeting with his supporters, AMLO gave an interview where he expressed certainty that he would win the PRD presidential nomination, and then came the shocker: With regards to a possible Ebrard victory in the struggle for the nomination, this is what the mafia wants.
So the bad guys - Salinas et al - wants Ebrard to win the nomination, and not AMLO. Forget about sharing a projects; it really is about personalities. And when the day comes that Ebrard wins... expect AMLO to denounce his victory as a fraud and orchestrated by the mafia.
With apologies for the theatrics: Consider the AMLO-Ebrard break as finalized.
Yet to me, yesterday's event certainly counts as definitive : In Soledad de Graciano Sánchez, in the state of Luis Potosí, ahead of a meeting with his supporters, AMLO gave an interview where he expressed certainty that he would win the PRD presidential nomination, and then came the shocker: With regards to a possible Ebrard victory in the struggle for the nomination, this is what the mafia wants.
So the bad guys - Salinas et al - wants Ebrard to win the nomination, and not AMLO. Forget about sharing a projects; it really is about personalities. And when the day comes that Ebrard wins... expect AMLO to denounce his victory as a fraud and orchestrated by the mafia.
With apologies for the theatrics: Consider the AMLO-Ebrard break as finalized.
Institutional innovation: Cué proposes recall referendum
In his inaugural speech yesterday day, Gabino Cué announced he would send a proposal to congress for "revocation of mandate," or simply put the mechanism of a recall referendum.
This is excellent news. I am a strong critic of the excessive length of the term of governors in Mexico, which in most cases is six years, and a recall referendum seems like an excellent tool if the desired goal is indeed to introduce more accountability in the political system. While the details of Cué's proposal are not known as yet, these typically involve a petition by a certain percentage of the electorate, which would turn it over to the government, who would then, if the petition is valid, call for a referendum where people are asked whether they want the sitting government out or not.
The very idea of a recall referendum, if used responsibly, is quite an institutional innovation. Credit must go here to Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, who, as far as I know, was the first country on earth to implement this mechanism, and actually allowed one to be held. So far, from what I gather, only Bolivia and Ecuador, have followed suit in their new constitutions.
One final line from Cué:
"Woe to those who under my term will but their personal well being ahead of the Oaxacan people!"
Ojalá que sí.
This is excellent news. I am a strong critic of the excessive length of the term of governors in Mexico, which in most cases is six years, and a recall referendum seems like an excellent tool if the desired goal is indeed to introduce more accountability in the political system. While the details of Cué's proposal are not known as yet, these typically involve a petition by a certain percentage of the electorate, which would turn it over to the government, who would then, if the petition is valid, call for a referendum where people are asked whether they want the sitting government out or not.
The very idea of a recall referendum, if used responsibly, is quite an institutional innovation. Credit must go here to Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, who, as far as I know, was the first country on earth to implement this mechanism, and actually allowed one to be held. So far, from what I gather, only Bolivia and Ecuador, have followed suit in their new constitutions.
One final line from Cué:
"Woe to those who under my term will but their personal well being ahead of the Oaxacan people!"
Ojalá que sí.
Damning Indictment of Calderón: Even before 2008, poverty way up
It's been known that the 2008 economic crisis hit Mexico far worse than other countries in the Western hemisphere. Now, however, the UN's Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) / Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL)'s recent publication, "Social panorama of Latin America," published this November, reveals that poverty went up from 31.7 percent of the population in 2006, to 34.8 percent in 2008 - and extreme poverty, from 8.7 to 11.2 - this, all before the crisis hit Mexico.
(La Jornada has in this regard an interview with the Mexican Alicia Bárcena, who is the Chile-based executive secretary of ECLAC/CEPAL, where she expands on recent social developments in Mexico).
I can think of no other way to read these figures than as a highly negative judgment of Calderón's socio-economic policies.
(La Jornada has in this regard an interview with the Mexican Alicia Bárcena, who is the Chile-based executive secretary of ECLAC/CEPAL, where she expands on recent social developments in Mexico).
I can think of no other way to read these figures than as a highly negative judgment of Calderón's socio-economic policies.
Wednesday, December 1, 2010
PRD takes Ley Peña to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
PRD has decided to take the Supreme Court's decision to approve the "Ley Peña" to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, for violating the party's political rights.
Luis Sánchez Jiménez, PRD's leader in Mexico state, qualified the law as "repressive," and former Supreme Court minister Juventino Castro y Castro, now a PRD national deputy, qualified the ruling as an "impediment" to exercise free political rights. Jesús Zambrano, PRD deputy and vice president of the Chamber of Deputies, backed the decision to take it to the to the IACHR/CIDH, which appears in all essence as futile and rather symbolic move more than anything else.
Luis Sánchez Jiménez, PRD's leader in Mexico state, qualified the law as "repressive," and former Supreme Court minister Juventino Castro y Castro, now a PRD national deputy, qualified the ruling as an "impediment" to exercise free political rights. Jesús Zambrano, PRD deputy and vice president of the Chamber of Deputies, backed the decision to take it to the to the IACHR/CIDH, which appears in all essence as futile and rather symbolic move more than anything else.
In defense of PRI - of sorts. The return of the PRI as a "tragedy"
In a friendly crowd of PAN supporters, Felipe Calderón celebrated 10 years of PAN rule in Mexico, dropping a few controversial lines: "...Mexico does not deserve to be stranded in the middle of the road to democratic change that we have undertaken, much less the tragedy of going back to the old, to the authoritarian, to the irresponsible."
It is an inherent problem of presidentialism that no separation between head of government and head of state exists - the president, despite being an obviously highly partisan choice, also is supposed to represent the country as a whole. Statements like that, though said in the context of a PAN celebration, which were clearly signaled at the PRI, is about as far away from such a mandate as possible. It sadly reminds one of the clumsy and idiotic intervention by Vicente Fox in 2005 and 2006 on behalf of PAN. Moreover, despite all the criticism - and lawdy lawd there is much to chose from - of PRI's authoritarian streaks, should Mexico's president be in the business of deeming a possible PRI return to Los Pinos as a "tragedy" in advance, whomever the candidate may be? While I, too, would personally would consider in particular a Peña Nieto win to be, to be sure, tragic for Mexico, I am not the president of Mexico, and as such have a bit more leeway to say so than Calderón.
Moreover, and more concretely, it may make the passing of any significant legislation the coming two years even more difficult: Chamber of Deputies President Jorge Carlos Ramírez Marín, for one, issues such a warning. One should not forget that like it or not, for the next two years, PRI will still have a majority in Congress.
It is an inherent problem of presidentialism that no separation between head of government and head of state exists - the president, despite being an obviously highly partisan choice, also is supposed to represent the country as a whole. Statements like that, though said in the context of a PAN celebration, which were clearly signaled at the PRI, is about as far away from such a mandate as possible. It sadly reminds one of the clumsy and idiotic intervention by Vicente Fox in 2005 and 2006 on behalf of PAN. Moreover, despite all the criticism - and lawdy lawd there is much to chose from - of PRI's authoritarian streaks, should Mexico's president be in the business of deeming a possible PRI return to Los Pinos as a "tragedy" in advance, whomever the candidate may be? While I, too, would personally would consider in particular a Peña Nieto win to be, to be sure, tragic for Mexico, I am not the president of Mexico, and as such have a bit more leeway to say so than Calderón.
Moreover, and more concretely, it may make the passing of any significant legislation the coming two years even more difficult: Chamber of Deputies President Jorge Carlos Ramírez Marín, for one, issues such a warning. One should not forget that like it or not, for the next two years, PRI will still have a majority in Congress.
Encinas reiterates: He will not be candidate, but backs Polevnsky
PRD's own santaclós lookalike, Alejandro Encinas, again made it clear he will not be a candidate for the left in Mexico State: For the umpteenth time, he has not been living there for quite some time, and as such does not fulfill the residency requirements. He does, however, use the occasion to note he has "40 percent support," though I doubt he'll try to push this one.
Sadly for the left, he does endorse the doomed, hapless candidacy of Yeidckol Polevnsky, though he clearly must know she doesn't stand a snowball's chance in hell of being elected in the state. Doubly sad, as he so obviously puts his loyalty a ultranza to AMLO ahead of a political project of the Left.
Sadly for the left, he does endorse the doomed, hapless candidacy of Yeidckol Polevnsky, though he clearly must know she doesn't stand a snowball's chance in hell of being elected in the state. Doubly sad, as he so obviously puts his loyalty a ultranza to AMLO ahead of a political project of the Left.
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