Pro-AMLO block formed in Mexico State congress, but draw little support

Though AMLO will likely construe it as just another sign that the PRD is "hijacked" by his enemies, it is noticable that the new legislative block formed in the Mexico State legislature to back AMLO from the PRD only drew in Ricardo Moreno Bastida, who was until recently coordinator of the group yet was deposed by his peers after opposing the PAN-PRD coalitions and then declared himself "independent" of any party affiliation, and Crisóforo Hernández Mena, in addition to three PT deputies - Carlos Sánchez, Francisco Barragán y Óscar Hernández - and, quite amusingly, the three Convergencia deputies as well as Horacio Jiménez, Miguel Ángel Xolalpa e Ignacio Samperio.

Why amusing? While Convergencia on the national level is a more or less loyal backer of AMLO, in Mexico State the party has often joined forces with Governor Enrique Peña Nieto. Most notoriously, and quite recently, the Convergencia deputies voted in favor of the now-infamous Ley Peña, a last-minute legislation steamrolled through congress to seek to prevent a common PAN-PRD candidate. One can only hope that someday it will be uncovered what they asked and got in return from the Mexico State governor.
In any case, that new lopezobradorista block did not attract more members seem to suggest that the PRD is, despite AMLO's incessant campaigning against the alliances, quite lined up behind its state council, which voted 2/3 in favor of entering in alliances with parties such as the PAN.

"The only difference I see between Diaz Ordaz and Enrique Peña is that Diaz Ordaz was ugly."

Jorge Insunza, a PAN local deputy in the Mexico State congress, made the quote of the day: "The only difference I see between Diaz Ordaz and Enrique Peña is that Diaz Ordaz was ugly."


Insunza Armas compared Mexico State governor Enrique Peña unfavorably to Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, the authoritarian PRI president with an inferiority and insecurity complex (1964-70) from Puebla who ordered the gunning down of hundreds of demonstrators in Tlatelolco in 1968. 


Beyond the exaggerated comparison, it appears that Peña Nieto will stop at nothing from reaching the presidency. In a day of infamy in the Mexico State legislature, what has now been baptized "Peña Nieto's Law,"  explicitly aimed at stopping a PAN-PRD common candidate, passed by a 52-21 margin -  PRI, PVEM, PANAL, PSD, and Convergencia against the votes of PRD, PAN and PT. 

PRD legislators Oscar Sánchez Juárez and Ricardo Moreno Bastida stood guard at a coffin that contained Mexico's electoral law, and the PRD had brought mariachis who entoned Las Golondrina, all symbolizing the death of democracy in Mexico State. Moreno dixit: 

"We are having a wake for the remains of democracy in a small coffin, because this democracy was very young, and still it was murdered by Governor Enrique Peña, for the fear it caused him"

That is also an exaggeration, but the blatant institutional engineering - changing the electoral code opportunistically exclusively to block a common opposition candidate, as well as to reduce the time allowed for campaigns, which blatantly favors Peña Nieto's media-promoted and -created candidacy - is an exercise in blatant institutional engineering, and an ominous omen for his possible presidency. 

Marcelo Ebrard, who has maintained a relatively cordial relationship with his peer in Mexico State, called the initiative a "typical PRI abuse":

"What matters is that they know they might lose the state of Mexico. There has never been an alternation [of power] in the state of Mexico and sure this year we will see, for the first time in history, a change of party"

The law will now need to be ratified by a majority of the municipalities, which will not be a problem due to the PRI's dominance of Mexico State politics. Last year, to recall, PRI and the Green Party (PVEM) in alliance won about 4/5 of the state's municipalities (97 out of 125, to be exact), due to the very mechanism of a common candidate. This is the first electoral "reform" in 15 years that is pushed through in a majoritarian manner, without any input from opposition parties.


PRD and PAN may, however, take the matters to the Mexican Supreme Court. Regardless, all gloves are now off, if they were ever on.