AMLO's Santa Ana reference

Among the various themes that AMLO constantly repeats in his campaign appearances is that a return of the PRI to the Mexican presidency will be equivalent to the return of 19th-century dictator Santa Ana.

Beyond my basic concurrence that the return of the PRI will likely be a very negative development for Mexico's democracy, a question: 

If PRI's return is like Santa Ana's - then how can at the same time PRI and PAN be "all the same," as he constantly repeats? And why, then, his ardent opposition to PRD-PAN state-level electoral alliances that sought to prevent PRI's return? 

AMLO's media coordinator César Yáñez, who still owes the AMLO interview he promised me, may send a reply to aguachileblogger@gmail.com

Partido Convergencia, 1999-2011

The Partido Convergencia ceased to exist yesterday, at least by that designation:

It changed its name to Movimiento Ciudadano, took AMLO's eagle for its party logo, dissolved its national executive committee, and converted its party president into a "national coordinator." It also opened up 50 percent of its candidacies to non-party members, or "citizens."

It has essentially remained the personal outfit of former PRI governor Dante Delgado Rannauro, who created the party as a means to return be governor of Veracruz, but after 2006, when its registry was in clear danger, threw his lot with AMLO and the party drastically "radicalized," despite being very non-programmatic and even center-right in most of its previous pronouncements, when it also often allied with PRI and PAN on the state level. It has a handful of senators yet saw its number of deputies reduced in half in 2009, when it competed on its own list rather than on a common one with the PRD, and is close to electoral extinction .

Hence,  Movimiento Ciudadano.

Display of strength for Ebrard, as the "movement" mobilizes for AMLO

The unofficial launch of Marcelo Ebrard's campaign took place yesterday, as the Demócratas de Izquierda, or the Democrats of the Left, arranged an event attended by more than 2,500 people that included the governors of Sinaloa and Guerrero, as well as as a range of backers and politicians, many from outside the PRD.

Ebrard proclaimed in very general terms the contours of his national plan, but was at pains to explain it was not a campaign launch- which of course it was.  Notably, he also appeared to call for some variant of parliamentarism - or "to separate the chief of state from chief of government" - which to me is an absolutely marvelous idea, as long as it does not end in a semi-presidential regime.

What a perfect illustration of the two paths for the left to follow: On the one hand, Ebrard and the coalition of social-democratic party factions in the Demócratas - and on the other, the highly discredited René Bejarano and his clientelistic "movement," who after holding meetings all over Mexico went to Tabasco the same day to back AMLO's electoral project.

Bejarano claims to have more than two million people in his National Movement of Hope, which he offers in order to back AMLO's candidacy (though at the same time confirming that many of them are also members of AMLO's own movement MORENA).

His wife, Dolores Padierna, is head of the IDN party faction of the PRD - involved in virtually every one of PRD's scandals the past decade - which backs AMLO. She is, to add, the secretary general of the PRD, while party president Jesús Zambrano is the president of the party - and attended Ebrard's event.

The two paths for the Mexican left have never appeared more clear.

Cocoa's the one: President Calderón's sister wins party primary in Michoacán

Luisa María Calderón Hinojosa, "Cocoa," won PAN's primary election in Michoacán to be the party's gubernatorial candidate, with 58 percent of the 25,757 votes cast. Her opponent, Senator Marko Cortés Mendoza, has accepted the defeat - despite some alarmist suggestions that he would cause quite a bit of mayhem and claim a fraud.

Quite the contrary - Cortés said he would fully back Cocoa. His loss is also a defeat for Santiago Creel, who openly backed his aspirations against those of the president's sister.

With her candidacy, the November Michoacán election looks even more set to be a completely open three-way race. Quite likely, PRI and PRD will denounce "nepotism," and accuse Calderón, fairly or not, of intervening in the local election.

Clearly she has every right to participate. But voters should also bear in mind that she is also a woman who does not stick to her word:  She is openly breaking an earlier agreement from 2006 that no family member would be in the public as long as Felipe was president. That was then; this is now - but it was clearly a lie.

PRI has said that a victory Michoacán is essential for the party on its path to 2012: Its leader said he will literally not leave the state until the election.  So it is, of course, for the PRD, as the state might be considered the party's cradle. But finally, also to the PAN, and not only for the above: It won its first municipal president (Quiroga), first local deputy, and first national deputy there, eons ago.

This will be a very dramatic - and competitive - affair.