The general council of Mexico's Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) declared that Jalisco Governor Emilio González Márquez broke the country's electoral law by turning ads announcing his "state of the state" into personal political propaganda. González Márquez, infamous for a range of drunken appearances and showering public money on the most arch-conservative sectors of the Catholic church, is also on a quixotic quest to gain the presidential nomination of PAN.
Given the rules under which IFE operates, however, it cannot penalize the governor with a fine, as no legislation exists that stipulates the actual penalty for public servants breaking the law, but IFE did send the case over to the Auditoría Superior of Jalisco state to revise the case and possibly sanction the governor. Don't hold your breath that it will.
Saturday, February 26, 2011
Porfirio Muñoz Ledo: So be it if PRD disappears
Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, a political acrobat par excellance who has been a member of or campaigned for virtually every one of Mexico's parties, and returned from obscurity when he latched onto the post-2006 movement of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, said of the PRD that the "time had come" for the party to fold:
"There is no risk; if the PRD disappears, nothing will happen to this country - I renounced in 1999; the country, that's another thing."
Yes, the "country" certainly survived Muñoz Ledo leaving the PRD in 1999. Indeed, let's recall what happened: He resigned when he lost out both nomination to be mayor of Mexico City as well as to be the PRD's presidential candidate, then lined up behind the candidacy of Vicente Fox and PAN, for which he was awarded a plum ambassadorial position in Europe, which of course makes a mockery of his current "radical" stances and opposition to a PAN electoral alliance.
Yes, parties come and go; PRD itself is only 22 years old, and maybe, though I doubt it, the current crisis of the party will be mortal. Yet the party remains nonetheless the largest party of the left in Mexico; it has played a key role in the Mexican political transition, and continues to be a serious governing party in municipalities and states throughout Mexico. A recent editorial in El Universal made a solid run-down of the importance of a "strong and united" PRD for Mexican democracy.
I also want to add that the PRD is the only real left party in Mexico: The Convergencia, and certainly the party to which Muñoz Ledo now belongs, the Partido del Trabajo, or "workers party" - a misnomer if there ever was one - are not left parties, but highly opportunistic parties that turn their cape wholly to the wind wherever they can reap benefits from it. Without a serious leftwing political party in Mexico, I don't think it is an exaggeration to posit that much of Mexico's current social conflicts might explode and turn violent, unless channeled through the PRD.
As for Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, his political relevance has far since vanished, and also apparently his once-sharp political insights; he would be better advised to use his federal deputy seat for something constructive rather than calling for the destruction of Mexico's only democratic leftwing party.
"There is no risk; if the PRD disappears, nothing will happen to this country - I renounced in 1999; the country, that's another thing."
Yes, the "country" certainly survived Muñoz Ledo leaving the PRD in 1999. Indeed, let's recall what happened: He resigned when he lost out both nomination to be mayor of Mexico City as well as to be the PRD's presidential candidate, then lined up behind the candidacy of Vicente Fox and PAN, for which he was awarded a plum ambassadorial position in Europe, which of course makes a mockery of his current "radical" stances and opposition to a PAN electoral alliance.
Yes, parties come and go; PRD itself is only 22 years old, and maybe, though I doubt it, the current crisis of the party will be mortal. Yet the party remains nonetheless the largest party of the left in Mexico; it has played a key role in the Mexican political transition, and continues to be a serious governing party in municipalities and states throughout Mexico. A recent editorial in El Universal made a solid run-down of the importance of a "strong and united" PRD for Mexican democracy.
I also want to add that the PRD is the only real left party in Mexico: The Convergencia, and certainly the party to which Muñoz Ledo now belongs, the Partido del Trabajo, or "workers party" - a misnomer if there ever was one - are not left parties, but highly opportunistic parties that turn their cape wholly to the wind wherever they can reap benefits from it. Without a serious leftwing political party in Mexico, I don't think it is an exaggeration to posit that much of Mexico's current social conflicts might explode and turn violent, unless channeled through the PRD.
As for Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, his political relevance has far since vanished, and also apparently his once-sharp political insights; he would be better advised to use his federal deputy seat for something constructive rather than calling for the destruction of Mexico's only democratic leftwing party.
Friday, February 25, 2011
Eduardo Galeano honored: Mexico, "victim of the hypocrisy of the narcosystem"
The great Eduardo Galeano received the 1808 Medal in Mexico City Wednesday. Expressing gratitude for Mexico's sheltering of thousands of refugees from the murderous dirty wars of the hemisphere, such as his native Uruguay, the writer of "Open Veins of Latin America" noted the following of Mexico's current narco "war" (out of respect for Galeano, I won't even try to mangle the words of this poet):
And, to be sure, from the also soccer fanatic:“Y en estas horas duras, México está recibiendo veladas amenazas del gran hermano del norte que parece que quiere venir a salvar a este país de la violencia y del caos, y eso corresponde a la tradición mesiánica del hermano del norte que a lo largo de casi toda su vida independiente se ha consagrado a esa tarea, al parecer encomendada por Dios, de salvar a los países que necesitan su ayuda. Me parece muy peligroso, porque en la experiencia esa ayuda ha sembrado al mundo de dictaduras militares, ha convertido a Irak en un manicomio y está convirtiendo a Afganistán en un vasto cementerio"
“A mí me parecen peligrosos todos los mesianismos, tengan el color político que tengan y provengan de la religión de donde provengan. El único mesianismo que no parece peligroso es el mesianismo de Lionel Messi, el mejor jugador de futbol del mundo.”
"Other figures may emerge"
With the risk of boring readers with yet another repetition of an oft-noted point: Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas will seek to be president in 2012, or to place his son as the candidate.
Interviewed in regards to PRD's most recent crisis, which is really just a reenactment of the perennial fault line that has divided the party for more than two decades - to be an institutionalized party, or a personalistic movement-party - Cuauhtémoc had the following to say, in his typical cardenasspeak:
"for 2012, other figures might surge that could become a unifying factor in the unity of the widest and most progressive force."
Gee, I wonder who Cuauhtémoc might have in mind.
Interviewed in regards to PRD's most recent crisis, which is really just a reenactment of the perennial fault line that has divided the party for more than two decades - to be an institutionalized party, or a personalistic movement-party - Cuauhtémoc had the following to say, in his typical cardenasspeak:
"for 2012, other figures might surge that could become a unifying factor in the unity of the widest and most progressive force."
Gee, I wonder who Cuauhtémoc might have in mind.
TEPJF laments: Still no way to punish public servants for interference
The TEPJF, Mexico's highest electoral tribunal, and IFE, the electoral institute responsible for arranging Mexico's federal elections, are bound, to be sure, by the created for them by congress. The president of the court, María del Carmen Alanís, again lamented a serious shortcoming, ahead of the 2012 presidential elections:
Despite the 2007-08 electoral reform, still no rules are in place to punish a public official that breaches the electoral laws, enshrined in the constitution. This includes the president. While it is not allowed for public servants to interfere in elections - last year, to recall, Calderón was chastised for what was deemed to be political propagandizing - there simply is no penalty stipulated, except if use of public money is detected. With Vicente Fox' blatantly illegal intermission in 2006 also alive and well in many's memory, this is indeed quite remarkable.
Del Carmen Alanís therefore calls for yet another electoral reform to alter this. Good luck getting that through before the very important 2011 elections; even for 2012 I remain pessimistic. Yet should the issue come up with regards to the state elections this summer - whether Peña Nieto, Calderón, or any other key functionary for that matter, do openly and blatantly interfere in the elections - political will may be conjured.
Despite the 2007-08 electoral reform, still no rules are in place to punish a public official that breaches the electoral laws, enshrined in the constitution. This includes the president. While it is not allowed for public servants to interfere in elections - last year, to recall, Calderón was chastised for what was deemed to be political propagandizing - there simply is no penalty stipulated, except if use of public money is detected. With Vicente Fox' blatantly illegal intermission in 2006 also alive and well in many's memory, this is indeed quite remarkable.
Del Carmen Alanís therefore calls for yet another electoral reform to alter this. Good luck getting that through before the very important 2011 elections; even for 2012 I remain pessimistic. Yet should the issue come up with regards to the state elections this summer - whether Peña Nieto, Calderón, or any other key functionary for that matter, do openly and blatantly interfere in the elections - political will may be conjured.
Thursday, February 24, 2011
He won't resign
AMLO declared he won't resign from the PRD, despite his theatrical "leave-of-absence" request.
Why not? Because "Salinas y Calderón would rub their hands."
And if he takes a "leave of absence" from the PRD, campaigning for PT and Convergencia and thereby splitting the left vote, they won't?
AMLO's logic can only be understood when one accepts that his political project is exclusively a personal one: No one else can lead the required transformation of Mexico but him - period.
Why not? Because "Salinas y Calderón would rub their hands."
And if he takes a "leave of absence" from the PRD, campaigning for PT and Convergencia and thereby splitting the left vote, they won't?
AMLO's logic can only be understood when one accepts that his political project is exclusively a personal one: No one else can lead the required transformation of Mexico but him - period.
Bleak 75-year birthday of Confederación de Trabajadores de México
The PRI-aligned Mexican confederation of labor, CTM (Confederación de Trabajadores de México), is turning 75 years today, yet it is hardly a happy celebration. The organization, though still the largest labor confederation in Mexico, has in terms of membership decline been on decline since the 1980s. Founded during the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas, CTM was for the longest a key source of PRI votes, though this corrupt and charro organization functioned more as a pillar of the regime than as an advocate for workers's rights.
Its membership is reportedly down to around 400,000 workers, down from a million workers. This is also reflected in its quota of federal deputies - down to 10 from a height of 40.
In the priísta tradition of "lifelong" leaders who literally lead these charro organizations until their last breath, its current leader, Joaquín Gamboa Pascoe, 83 years old, was just reelected last year as the CTM's general secretary.
Quite symbolical of its decline and loss of influence: There won't even be a a grand ceremony or assembly celebrating its three-quarter-of-a-hundred history.
Here is a recent collaborative academic investigation of CTM, edited by UNAM researcher Javier Aguilar García, entitled Historia de la CTM 1936-2006. El movimiento obrero y el estado mexicano.
Its membership is reportedly down to around 400,000 workers, down from a million workers. This is also reflected in its quota of federal deputies - down to 10 from a height of 40.
In the priísta tradition of "lifelong" leaders who literally lead these charro organizations until their last breath, its current leader, Joaquín Gamboa Pascoe, 83 years old, was just reelected last year as the CTM's general secretary.
Quite symbolical of its decline and loss of influence: There won't even be a a grand ceremony or assembly celebrating its three-quarter-of-a-hundred history.
Here is a recent collaborative academic investigation of CTM, edited by UNAM researcher Javier Aguilar García, entitled Historia de la CTM 1936-2006. El movimiento obrero y el estado mexicano.
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